Menu Expand
  1. Fachgebiete (Bücher)
The Accents of Celtic
Vorschau Titel nicht lizenziert

BUCH

The Accents of Celtic

New Light on the Older and Oldest Stages

Bernardo Stempel, Patrizia de

Indogermanische Bibliothek. 3. Reihe: Untersuchungen

2023

Vorschau Titel nicht lizenziert

Zusätzliche Informationen

Bibliografische Daten

Publisher Name
Universitätsverlag Winter
ISBN
978-3-8253-8606-1
DOI
https://doi.org/10.33675/978-3-8253-8606-1
Auflage
1
Sprache
Englisch
Seiten
430
Kollektionen
Universitätsverlag Winter: Alle eBooks des Verlages 
Fachgebiete

Vorzeit, Frühgeschichte vor Christi Geburt
Christi Geburt bis 1500 nach Chr.
Historische und vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft
Mitteleuropa
Keltische Sprachen

Abstract

The key to the phonetic development of a given word across time lies in its accentuation. As the Old Celtic remains do not indicate their accent, it has to be deduced from their sound-changes. This book investigates for the first time in depth 14 Celtic phenomena resulting from the weakening of unstressed syllables (vocalic assimilations and reductions up to syncope, degeminations, ‚w‘-loss, nasal effacement, metathesis of liquids) and the strengthening of stressed ones (vocalic epenthesis and diphthongizations, geminations of consonants). The stress-patterns emerging from them are corroborated by the originally Celtic toponymy in today’s non-Celtic-speaking countries and allow us to reconstruct the Celtic subfamily of languages by drawing a much simpler accentual model which also finds typological support. With its diachronic discussion of more than 3,600 words the book represents, moreover, a big help in the understanding of Celtic lexicon and onomastics.

Inhaltsverzeichnis

Zwischenüberschrift Seite Aktion Preis
Cover Cover
Titel III
Imprint IV
Preface V
Contents VII
List of Tables and Figures XIII
Symbols and Abbreviations XV
I Introduction 1
I.1 Accent and stress 1
I.2 The Old Celtic periods 1
I.3 The problem 3
I.4 The corpus 4
I.5 The evidence 5
I.6 Chronology 5
I.7 This book 6
I.8 On the accentual interpretations 9
I.9 Typographical styles 9
I.10 An important ‚caveat‘ 12
II Patterns of Accentuation in Indo-European and Celtic 13
II.1 Accent in Indo-European 13
II.2 Accent in Celtic 16
II.2.1 The delusion of a Common-Celtic initial stress 16
II.2.2 Proto-Celtic remains of the Indo-European mobile accentuation 18
II.2.3 An archaic antepenultimate stress 24
II.2.4 The Goidelic development of an initial stress 29
II.2.5 From proparoxytony to paroxytony in the Fourth Celtic Stage 31
II.2.6 Accent shifts and Celtic periods 34
II.2.7 Further developments in the Brittonic varieties 40
II.2.8 The accentuation systems in the Goidelic varieties 43
II.3 Parallels to the Celtic patterns in other branches of Indo-European 45
III Accents without Accent Marks and Stress Position Indicators 47
IV The Continental Celtic Stress-Position Indicators One by One 51
IV.1 Narrowing and monophthongization of diphthongs 51
IV.1.1 Preliminary observations 51
IV.1.2 The evidence collected 51
in the 5th last syllable 51
in the 4th last syllable 52
in the antepenultimate syllable 53
in the penultimate syllable 55
in the final syllable 57
IV.1.3 A backward glance 61
IV.2 Diphthongization 62
IV.2.1 Preliminary observations 62
IV.2.2 The evidence collected 64
of the vowel in the antepenultimate syllable 64
of the vowel in the penultimate syllable 65
IV.2.3 A backward glance 71
IV.3 Syncope 74
IV.3.1 Preliminary observations 74
IV.3.2 The evidence collected 75
of the original 5th last vowel 75
of the original 4th last vowel 75
of the original 3rd last vowel 76
of the original 2nd last vowel 83
IV.3.3 A backward glance 91
IV.4 Vocalic epenthesis 94
IV.4.1 Preliminary observations 94
IV.4.2 The evidence collected 95
before the first vowel 95
after the 2nd last vowel 95
after the 3rd last vowel 98
IV.4.3 A backward glance 101
IV.5 Vowel assimilation 104
IV.5.1 Preliminary observations 104
IV.5.2 The evidence collected 105
of the vowel in the 5th last syllable to that in the 4th last 105
of the vowel in the 4th last syllable to that in the antepenultima 106
of the vowel in the antepenultima to that in the penult 107
IV.5.3 A backward glance 113
IV.6 Vowel centralization 115
IV.6.1 Preliminary observations 115
IV.6.2 The evidence collected 116
α. Assimilatory vowel-centralization 116
of the vowel in the 4th last syllable 116
of the vowel in the antepenultimate syllable 117
β. Simple, that is, non-assimilatory vowel-centralization 119
Of the vowel in the 4th last syllable 119
of the vowel in the antepenultimate syllable 120
of the vowel in the penultimate syllable 122
of the vowel in the final syllable 131
IV.6.3 A backward glance 133
IV.7 Vowel narrowing 137
IV.7.1 Preliminary observations 137
IV.7.2 The evidence collected 138
α. Assimilatory vowel-narrowing 138
of the vowel in the 4th last syllable 138
of the vowel in the antepenultimate syllable 138
β. Simple, that is, non-assimilatory vowel-narrowing 139
of the vowel in the 4th last syllable 139
of the vowel in the antepenultimate syllable 140
of the vowel in the penultimate syllable 142
of the vowel in the final syllable 147
γ. Weakening of *u to i 147
of the vowel in the antepenultimate syllable 147
of the vowel in the penultimate syllable 148
IV.7.3 A backward glance 149
IV.8 Consonantal degemination 155
IV.8.1 Preliminary observations 155
IV.8.2 The evidence collected 155
before the vowel of the 4th last syllable 155
before the vowel of the antepenultimate syllable 155
before the vowel of the penultimate syllable 157
IV.8.3 A backward glance 160
IV.9 Consonantal gemination 162
IV.9.1 Preliminary observations 162
IV.9.2 The evidence collected 163
after the vowel of the antepenultimate syllable 163
after the vowel of the penultimate syllable 165
IV.9.3 A backward glance 169
IV.10 Post-consonantal loss of -w- 171
IV.10.1 Preliminary observations 171
IV.10.2 The evidence collected 172
before the vowel of the antepenultimate syllable 172
before the vowel of the penultimate syllable 172
IV.10.3 A backward glance 173
IV.11 Intervocalic loss of -w 174
IV.11.1 Preliminary observations 174
IV.11.2 The evidence collected 175
after the vowel of the 4th last syllable 175
after the vowel of the antepenultimate syllable 175
after the vowel of the penultimate syllable 176
IV.11.3 A backward glance 177
IV.12 Reduction of *VmnV via *VvnV to VnV 179
IV.12.1 Preliminary observations 179
IV.12.2 The evidence collected 179
after the vowel of the antepenultimate syllable 179
after the vowel of the penultimate syllable 179
IV.12.3 A backward glance 180
IV.13 Nasal effacement before a stop 181
IV.13.1 Preliminary observations 181
IV.13.2 The evidence collected 183
after the vowel of the 5th last syllable 183
after the vowel of the 4th last syllable 183
after the vowel of the antepenultimate syllable 184
after the vowel of the penultimate syllable 185
IV.13.3 A backward glance 186
IV.14 Metathesis of liquid consonants after a stop 187
IV.14.1 Preliminary observations 187
IV.14.2 The evidence collected 188
across the vowel of the 4th last syllable 188
across the vowel of the antepenultimate syllable 188
across the vowel of the penultimate syllable 189
IV.14.3 A backward glance 190
V Multiple Stress-Position Indicators in Continental Celtic 191
V.1 Preliminary observations 191
V.2 The evidence collected 191
V.3 A backward glance 234
VI Biphasic Evidence of Stress in Continental Celtic 243
VI.1 Preliminary observations 243
VI.2 The evidence collected 243
VI.3 A backward glance 300
VII Stress in Modern Place-Names of Celtic Origin 303
VII.1 Previous work 303
VII.2 The evidence collected 303
VII.2.1 Pairs of modern place-names having the same origin, but with an underlying proparoxytone and, respectively, a paroxytone accentuation 305
VII.2.2 Modern place-names betraying an ancient stress-position shift 311
VII.2.3 Modern place-names going back to a proparoxytone Celtic protoform 320
VII.2.4 Modern place-names going back to a paroxytone Celtic protoform 329
VII.3 A backward glance 337
VIII Conclusions 339
Bibliography 347
Index Verborum 387
Table 1 The origin of proparoxytonesis 25
Table 2 The origin of proparoxytone polysyllables 26
Table 3 The archaic Celtic stress-pattern 28
Table 4 Proparoxytonesis as a default pattern 28
Table 5 Asymmetries in the archaic Celtic stress-pattern 29
Table 6 Goidelic stress-retraction 30
Table 7 From proparoxytone to paroxytone stress-pattern in Gaulish and Brittonic 31
Table 8 Relevant isoglosses developing during the various stages of Celtic 35
Diagram 1 Diachronic glottogenetic model 38
Diagram 2 Diachronic accentuation model 39
Table 9 Effects of the British apocope 40
Table 10 Stress retraction in Brittonic dialects 40
Table 11 Stages in the development of the Old Celtic derivational morphemes beginning with the vowel -a- 63
Table 12 Stress position indicators operating in one and the same item 236
Table 13 Paroxytonesis as a default pattern in proper Gaulish 343
Rückumschlag 431

Kontakt

Felix Meiner Verlag Richardstraße 47 22081 Hamburg Germany T: +49 (40) 29 87 56-0

Schnelleinstieg

2025 Felix Meiner Verlag GmbH

Cloudpublish logoPowered by CloudPublish

Wir verwenden Cookies, um sicherzustellen, dass Sie unsere Website optimal nutzen können. Lernen Sie mehr darüber, wie wir Cookies verwenden.